May 30, 2013 - Khordad 9, 1392 - editor : Dr. Raz Zimmt |
Minority vote: the presidential election and Iran’s
ethno-linguistic minorities
The presidential election is once again raising the question of the
government’s policy towards the ethno-linguistic minorities that make up nearly
half of Iran’s population. The minorities consider the election an opportunity
to reiterate their demands for a change in the policy pursued by the government
against them, while some candidates are trying to win the support of the
minorities by throwing around promises to improve their situation and their
rights.
In the past, representatives of the reformist faction in Iran’s politics tended to express a more sympathetic approach to the minorities’ demands, while the conservative right usually preferred to maintain the status quo. In the last two presidential elections, the reformists’ relatively sympathetic approach to the minorities resulted in higher support ratings for reformist candidates compared to conservative candidates in minority populated provinces.
At this stage of the presidential election campaign, two candidates are particularly notable for their relatively liberal approach towards the minorities: Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf and Mohsen Rezaei. Qalibaf has promised to bring minority representatives into his government if he is elected, while Rezaei has announced that he intends to implement Article 15 of Iran’s constitution, which allows minorities to study in their native language in education institutions. There are other candidates trying to raise support in minority populated provinces, but so far they have not expressed commitment to changing the government’s policy on minorities.
The minority issue is a particularly delicate one, requiring the candidates to exercise some caution when discussing the subject, which may be exploited by their opponents to accuse them of stirring ethnic separatism. What is more, it is highly doubtful that the regime’s great concern over manifestations of ethnic separatism will allow the next president—regardless of his own stance on the issue—to promote a significant change in the discriminatory policy currently pursued towards the minorities.
In the past, representatives of the reformist faction in Iran’s politics tended to express a more sympathetic approach to the minorities’ demands, while the conservative right usually preferred to maintain the status quo. In the last two presidential elections, the reformists’ relatively sympathetic approach to the minorities resulted in higher support ratings for reformist candidates compared to conservative candidates in minority populated provinces.
At this stage of the presidential election campaign, two candidates are particularly notable for their relatively liberal approach towards the minorities: Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf and Mohsen Rezaei. Qalibaf has promised to bring minority representatives into his government if he is elected, while Rezaei has announced that he intends to implement Article 15 of Iran’s constitution, which allows minorities to study in their native language in education institutions. There are other candidates trying to raise support in minority populated provinces, but so far they have not expressed commitment to changing the government’s policy on minorities.
The minority issue is a particularly delicate one, requiring the candidates to exercise some caution when discussing the subject, which may be exploited by their opponents to accuse them of stirring ethnic separatism. What is more, it is highly doubtful that the regime’s great concern over manifestations of ethnic separatism will allow the next president—regardless of his own stance on the issue—to promote a significant change in the discriminatory policy currently pursued towards the minorities.
The minority problem in Iran: a delicate
issue
In late April, Mehr News Agency removed a news item it had previously published on a statement made by Mas’oud Pezeshkian, the former minister of health in Mohammad Khatami’s government, in a press interview. Pezeshkian, a reformist politician of Azeri descent whose candidacy for president was disqualified by the Guardian Council, said in the interview that he intended to vote for an “Azeri-speaking candidate” (http://www.iranpressnews.com/source/147184.htm).
On May 25, media affiliated with Mohsen Rezaei, secretary of the
Expediency Discernment Council and one of the presidential candidates, reported
that two sections of a statement made by Rezaei during an election broadcast on
Iranian TV Channel 1 had been censored out by Iran Broadcasting. In one section
the candidate discussed the discrimination between various provinces in Iran
(http://www.entekhab.ir/fa/news/113137). Apparently, these remarks were also
censored out due to the delicacy surrounding issues directly or indirectly
related to the problem of ethnic minorities in Iran and the discrimination
against them.
The problem of ethno-linguistic minorities has been a delicate issue
in Iran for several years. One example could be seen in the previous
presidential election in 2009, when President Ahmadinejad’s supporters used an
ethnic joke told by former president Mahmoud Khatami against reformist candidate
Mir-Hossein Mousavi. A short video distributed online showed Khatami telling a
joke that made mockery of Azeris during a meeting with his allies in 2003. The
release of the video on the internet provoked a storm among Iranians of Azeri
descent and was exploited by Ahmadinejad’s supporters to bash Mousavi, who was
supported by Khatami and who is Azeri himself. Mousavi’s supporters, on the
other hand, accused the president’s supporters of releasing the old video only
two weeks before the elections and just prior to Mousavi’s visit to the city of
Tabriz to hit his standing with the local Azeri population.
Ethnic minorities in the tangle of Iranian
politics
Ethnic minorities make up nearly half of Iran’s population. They
reside mostly in the periphery areas and surround Iran from all directions: the
Azeri Turks in the northwest, the Kurds in the West, the Baluchis in the
southeast, the Turkmens in the northeast, and the Arabs in Khuzestan. The
efforts made by the centralized government to merge the numerous ethnic
communities into one national community have not solved their real problems. The
ethnic minorities have remained concentrated in separate areas and have not
gained equal access to the country’s centers of power and authority—with the
exception of the Azeri minority, whose representatives have been able to
integrate themselves into the ruling elite.
After the Islamic revolution, the ethnic minorities—with the
exception of the Azeris—brought up demands for autonomy, which were rejected by
the regime. The minorities feel themselves discriminated against and neglected
by the centralized government. Iran’s centralized development strategy has
created wide socio-economic gaps between the center and the periphery and an
unbalanced division of national resources. In addition, the authorities prevent
those who belong to ethnic minorities to get education in their own language in
their schools, which goes against Article 15 of Iran’s constitution.
In recent years minorities’ representatives have been increasingly
vocal about the escalation of government discrimination against them, and even
appealed to international instances and human rights organizations in order to
create pressure that would lead to a change in the government’s policy against
them. These claims have been rejected by the government, and President
Ahmadinejad even stated at a meeting with government employees held in April
2013 in Khuzestan Province, populated mostly by the Arab minority, that there is
no racial discrimination in Iran whatsoever (Mehr, April 22).
In the past, representatives of the reformist faction in Iran’s
politics tended to express a more sympathetic approach to the minorities’
demands for a change in the government’s policy towards them, while the
conservative right usually preferred to maintain the status quo. During his
presidential term in 1997-2005, President Khatami promoted a policy intended to
enhance the integration of the minorities into state institutions. In the
previous presidential election campaign, reformist opposition candidate
Mir-Hossein Mousavi repeatedly stressed his support for granting equal rights to
the minorities and his commitment to work for the implementation of Article 15
of the constitution. In public appearances in provinces where Azeris make up the
majority, he even gave some of his speeches in the Turkish-Azeri language.
In the last two presidential elections (2005 and 2009), the
reformists’ relatively sympathetic approach to the minorities resulted in higher
support ratings for reformist candidates compared to conservative candidates in
minority populated provinces. In the first round of the 2005 election, reformist
candidate Mostafa Mo’in won the highest support rating among the seven
candidates in Sistan-Baluchistan Province, populated mostly by the Baluchi
minority. Reformist candidate Mohsen Mehr-Alizadeh, of Azeri descent, came in
first in the three Azeri-populated provinces in northwest Iran. Another
reformist candidate, Mehdi Karoubi, came in first in provinces populated by the
Kurdish and Arab minorities.
In the 2009 election, reformist candidates Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karoubi also won higher support ratings in minority-populated provinces.
The positions of the 2013 presidential candidates towards
the minorities
The presidential election is once again raising the question of the
government’s policy towards Iran’s ethnic minorities. The minorities consider
the election an opportunity to reiterate their demands for a change in the
government’s policy towards them, while some candidates are trying to win the
support of the minorities by throwing around promises to improve their situation
and their rights. At this stage of the presidential election campaign, two
candidates are particularly notable for their relatively liberal approach
towards the minorities and their demand that they be treated more favorably by
the government: Tehran’s Mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf and Expediency Discernment
Council Chairman Mohsen Rezaei.
During a visit held by Qalibaf in the beginning of the election
campaign in Kurdistan Province in the country’s northwest, the mayor of Tehran
noted that, when he had served as commander of the internal security forces
(1999-2005), he took pains to integrate Sunni Muslims into Iran’s police force
as unit commanders. During the visit Qalibaf met with Sunni cleric Hajj Mamosta
Hussamaadin Mujtahedi, the Kurdistan Province representative in the Assembly of
Experts, who expressed his political support for Qalibaf’s presidential bid
(http://shafaf.ir/fa/print/186145).
Qalibaf recently held a visit to
Khuzestan Province in which he promised to bring representatives from all ethnic
minorities into his government if he is elected president. At a meeting with the
heads of Arab tribes in the province, Qalibaf said that, even though he himself
was born in Mashhad, he was reborn when he was fighting in Khuzestan during the
Iran-Iraq War, and his identity was reshaped in the spirit of the province’s
Arab inhabitants. He told how, throughout the entire war, he fought by the side
of the Arab tribes living in the region, and said that he witnessed their
heroism and dedication to Islam and their country. The Arab inhabitants have
proven, Qalibaf said, that language and ethno-national affiliation are
unimportant (http://www.yjc.ir/fa/news/4396010).
Mohsen Rezaei, too, announced his intention to work for the benefit
of the ethnic minorities. Rezaei, who was born in Khuzestan Province, himself
belongs to an ethno-linguistic minority—the Luri-Bakhtiari people. When Rezaei
ran for president in the 2009 elections, the former Revolutionary Guards chief
brought up the problem of ethnic minorities in Iran and held several visits to
provinces with significant minority populations.
Rezaei chose to begin his current presidential campaign in
Sistan-Baluchistan Province. During his visit in the province, Rezaei announced
that there is more to Iran than just Tehran and stressed the need to develop all
the provinces in the country. He noted that, if he is elected president, he will
make it a top priority to develop the backward regions in the country, and that
it is for this reason that he chose to start his presidential campaign in
Sistan-Baluchistan Province, plagued by a particularly severe poverty and
unemployment crisis (http://www.tabnak.ir/fa/news/321170).
Rezaei not only promised to develop all of Iran’s provinces—he has
announced recently that he intends to implement Article 15 of Iran’s
constitution on the right of the minorities to education in their own native
language. He noted that there is no reason to be concerned about the use of the
different languages spoken in Iran in universities. Rezaei stressed that he
recognizes the culture and languages of the minorities, and that there is no
reason to sacrifice local cultures for the all-Iranian national culture
(www.asriran.com/fa/news/275981).
In the wake of these remarks, Tabnak, a website affiliated with
Rezaei, posted an article on the discrimination that exists against minorities
concerning their right to use their native language in the education system. The
website stressed that the ethnic minorities have contributed to Iran’s literary
and linguistic development, and took issue with the fact that in recent years
the authorities have imposed anti-constitutional restrictions and have banned
the use of local languages in minority-populated areas. For example, the
Department of Education in Kermanshah Province released a memo banning teachers
in the Kurdish-populated province from using the Kurdish language as the
language of instruction in education institutions. Tabnak praised Rezaei for
bringing up the issue of minorities’ right to study in their own language as
part of his campaign. According to the website, Rezaei’s bringing up the subject
has given the minorities hope that, in the future, they will be allowed to use
their language in the education system (http://www.tabnak.ir/fa/news/321934).
“Iranians of all races are equal”: the captions under the normal-sized pictures read, “Persian speakers”, “Turkish speakers”, “Kurdish speakers”, “Arabic speakers”, “Baluchi speakers”, “Mazanderani speakers”, “Luri speakers”. The caption under the small picture reads, “racists” (Facebook page of Rezaei’s supporters, www.facebook.com/drmohsenrezayi?ref=stream). |
Other presidential candidates are also trying to raise support in
provinces populated by ethno-linguistic minorities. So far, however, they have
made no statements that would demonstrate their intent to work for a change of
the status-quo in the policy towards minorities. Ali-Akbar Velayati, the Supreme
Leader’s advisor on international affairs who is running for the conservatives,
recently visited Khuzestan Province and met with representatives of the Arab
tribes, who even spoke to him in Arabic. Velayati also met with Sunni clerics
living in the province(http://www.meliyat.com/fa/news/35811).
As part of his presidential campaign,
Supreme National Security Council Chairman Sa’id Jalili, who is running for the
Steadfast Front, affiliated with the radical conservative right, also conducts
intensive activities in provinces where minorities reside, such as
Sistan-Baluchistan. However, his activity in these provinces is a manifestation
of his effort to broaden his support base in periphery areas with a greater
concentration of relatively underprivileged populations, and not necessarily a
liberal approach to the ethno-linguistic minorities living in these areas.
Of the eight presidential candidates, it appears that Mohammad
Gharazi, the former minister of petroleum in Mir-Hossein Mousavi’s government
(1981-1985), holds a particularly negative attitude towards the ethnic
minorities. According to a biography posted on the BBC Persian website, after
the Islamic revolution Gharazi was the governor of Kurdistan and Khuzestan, and
played a key role in suppressing the regime’s opponents in these two provinces.
According to the regime’s opponents, at the time Gharazi was considered one of
the main opponents of movements that worked within the Kurdish and Arab
populations to promote their national rights
(www.bbc.co.uk/persian/iran/2013/05/130525_l12_ir92_election_candidates_profile.shtml).
While the presidential candidates’ efforts are underway, the
minorities’ representatives are taking advantage of the election campaign to
bring up their demands. For example, Hasan Amini, a Shari’ah judge in Iranian
Kurdistan, said that candidates who include the national and religious demands
of the minorities in their election platform will have the support of the Sunnis
and the minorities (www.rahesabz.net/story/70410).
It is likely that, as part of their campaigns, the presidential
candidates will continue their endeavors to raise support among the
ethno-linguistic minorities, particularly when considering their significant
percentage in the population. However, the minority issue is a highly delicate
one, requiring the candidates to exercise some caution when discussing the
subject, which may be exploited by their opponents to accuse them of stirring
ethnic separatism. What is more, it is highly doubtful that the regime’s great
concern over manifestations of ethnic separatism will allow the next
president—regardless of his own stance on the issue—to promote a significant
change in the discriminatory policy currently pursued towards the
ethno-linguistic minorities in Iran.
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