Wednesday, September 5, 2012

Inside story: The 15-year march to the bomb.

The Iranians are almost there. This is how they did it.
Enrichment is accelerating, the warhead is taking shape, a nuclear trigger is deep in development, and the Shahab-3 missile has Israel in range and can detonate in an airburst 600 meters above ground — just like the atomic bombs over Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

A military exhibition displays the Shahab-3 missile under a picture of the Iranian
supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in Tehran, in 2008
(photo credit: AP photo/Hasan Sarbakhshian)

Since the last century, Iran has been methodically pursuing the in-house capability of developing a missile-delivered nuclear bomb. The regime of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is now closer than ever — probably in the latter stages of perfecting an atomic bomb with a multipoint detonation mechanism, compact enough to insert into a Shahab-3 missile nosecone.

For years, the Obama administration, Western governments, the United Nations, and the International Atomic Energy Administration (IAEA) have been fully aware of the specific details of Tehran’s nuclear weapons program, down to the blueprints and names of the engineers. Whether or not Iran will complete the last leg of its decades-long journey toward a deliverable atomic bomb is still unknown. The difference in viewing the cannon is whether you are staring down the muzzle or observing it through a telescope from a perch 6,000 miles away. Israel is peering into the muzzle, hence its assessment is different than Washington’s.
 
Protracted multilateral negotiations, crippling international sanctions, and even elaborate programs of sabotage have delayed but not derailed the nearly autarkic program. Now the world teeters at the brink of a regional war with profound global ramifications because the threat may have been ignored too long.
 
Here are the four determining factors, the dynamics of which will govern whether Israel launches a preemptive attack against Tehran’s massive nuclear infrastructure.
 
Four technological achievements are key to completing Tehran’s nuclear weapon: 1) accretion of enough nuclear materials, highly enriched to 90 percent, to make the bomb; 2) machining that highly-enriched material into metal for a spheroid warhead so it can fit into a missile nosecone for detonation; 3) a trigger mechanism to initiate the atomic explosion at the precise moment of missile reentry; and, of course, 4) a reliable rocket delivery system to carry such a weapon.
 

Pakistan helped Iran start

In many ways, one of the key precursors to Iran’s nuclear push was India’s May 1974 nuclear bomb test, code-named “Smiling Buddha.” Twenty years in the making, New Delhi claimed its 1974 underground explosion was a “peaceful test.” But rival Pakistan saw it as a clear threat. Pakistan Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto quickly declared that his country would fight back against “nuclear blackmail.” The sleepy Pakistani nuclear program roared into action.
 
A pivotal decision was to call upon Abdul Qadeer Khan, often referred to as “AQ Khan,” revered as the father of Pakistan’s atomic weaponry. Khan, a Pakistani metallurgist and nuclear engineer, had worked in the nuclear programs of Holland and other Western countries. He was brought home to fast-track the building of Pakistan’s bomb. Quickly, Khan set up uranium-enrichment labs and ballistic-missile operations, mainly in and around the city of Kahuta, in the Rawalpindi district of Pakistan. In 1998, after India’s second nuclear test, Pakistan was ready. Within weeks, Pakistan followed suit, demonstrating it, too, possessed nuclear weapons and could deploy them rapidly.
 
As Pakistan barged into the nuclear age, Khan spearheaded the proliferation of the technology into other countries. In a 2009 TV interview, Khan admitted that working with Pakistan’s intelligence service, the ISI, his country developed a mutual working relationship with North Korea. After India’s detonation, Pakistan realized it needed missiles. Long the world’s biggest missile and rocket power, North Korea was the logical partner. Khan admitted in his TV interview, “We needed to have long-range missiles to reach the far-flung cities of India and to ensure our deterrence. I discussed the issue with Benazir Bhutto as well. She said … we could cooperate with North Korea.”

Benazir Bhutto, prime minister of Pakistan,
visits North Korea in December 1993
and meets with leader Kim Il Sung.
(photo credit: Korean Central News Agency/Korea News Service via AP Images)


Khan said Benazir Bhutto visited North Korea, adding, “I [also] had a visit to North Korea to discuss missile technology. Then the North Koreans came to Pakistan and received money from Benazir Bhutto so that we could start the missile program … It was not that costly; I think it was hardly worth $50 million.”
 
He continued, “I have only been to North Korea twice — in 1994 and 1999. In 1999, General [Pervez] Musharraf sent me along with General Iftikhar [Ali Khan], who was then the chief of the Air Defense Command. We were fighting India at Kargil, and we were in dire need of antiaircraft missiles … We went to North Korea and purchased 200 missiles from them.”
 
Khan added, “A North Korean team would visit the Kahuta plant during the same period as our missile deal was taking place, and it was no secret … Everyone knew about it. They would stay at a guest house in the vicinity of Kahuta plant.” He continued, “The North Korean engineers would visit our director generals in their departments to observe different operations.”
 
In that 2009 TV interview, Khan also recalled, “Iran was interested in acquiring nuclear technology. Since Iran was an important Muslim country, we wished Iran to acquire this technology … Iran’s nuclear capability will neutralize Israel’s power. We had advised Iran to contact the suppliers and purchase equipment from them.” Khan identified those initial suppliers as “a company with which we had established links when we could not receive the material from Europe. They were Sri Lankan Muslims.”
 
Step by step, initially with Pakistan’s assistance, and then as a self-driven engine, Iran embarked on assembling the four key elements needed to wield a nuclear bomb.
 

The rush to enrich

One foundation of a common atomic bomb design requires a sufficient quantity of uranium enriched to weapons-grade, or 90 percent. If missile-delivered, this material can then be converted into a metal that can be shaped into a dense spheroid — the warhead — small enough to fit into a nosecone. It is all a matter of weights and measures.
 
A basic method of enriching nuclear material is to whirl it around in centrifuges at a high rate of speed, thus separating out or purifying the desired uranium isotopes. Compare the process to distillation. The enrichment yield can be multiplied by acquiring more and more basic nuclear material, and then subjecting it to ever more cascades of linked centrifuges for longer processing.
 
Even operating at varying rates of efficiency, fast and slow, the ceaseless, metronomic output of Iranian centrifuges will eventually yield the quantity needed for several bombs. Experts estimate that a single bomb would require approximately 25 kilograms of Highly Enriched Uranium, or HEU, that has been boosted to at least higher concentrations of 90 percent.
 
Iran is now operating at least 10,000 centrifuges, probably many more, in its slow-motion dash to acquire the vital nuclear weight it requires. The startling number of more than 10,000 centrifuges is about ten times the known arrays Iran admitted to just a few years ago in 2007. Indeed, the country has been adding centrifuges at a dazzling rate — not incrementally but in great leaps of thousands of additional machines at a time. True, some are old-fashioned centrifuges, some wear down after ten years of operation, and some are working inefficiently. But some possess newer technology. Together, efficiently or inefficiently, these thousands of machines are conjointly increasing the stock of basic nuclear material, month by month.
 
File photo of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
visiting the uranium enrichment facility at Natanz.
(photo credit: AP/Iranian President’s office, File)



After years of centrifugal processing, Iran already has accumulated enough low enriched uranium, or LEU, to create five or six bombs — that is, if the LEU material would be boosted to weapons-grade, or 90 percent. With each passing day, that LEU stock expands in volume and potency. Much of Iran’s nuclear enrichment remains at 3.5 percent level. But Iran has admitted and inspectors have verified that the country has already reached the 20 percent threshold (actually 19.75 percent), producing by now about 300 kilograms — enough to move to the next steps of weapons-grade. Those steps must first enrich to the next level, say the 60 percent level, and from there to 90 percent, which is bomb quality.
 
Enriching to 3.5 percent is 75 percent of the task of reaching weapons-grade. Once Iran has reached 20 percent, it gone 90 percent of the distance to making weapons-grade uranium. In other words, once the process has been mastered to 20 percent, it is only a matter of time before 90 percent bomb-quality HEU can be created. Depending upon the number of cascades and centrifuges acting in concert, Iran could amass some 25 kilograms of bomb-ready 90 percent HEU in six months to a year. Within a year, at its current rate of exponential growth, Iran could have enough HEU to arm several bombs.
 
To fortify its unstoppable enrichment process, Tehran has constructed numerous redundant facilities, some underground, perhaps some operating in secret outside the sightlines of IAEA monitors. Some are in hospitals. Iran agreed to permit IAEA inspectors when, in 1974, it signed the “Safeguards Agreement.” The Safeguards Agreement is an adjunct to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty that Tehran adopted in 1968 when it took its first baby steps toward the “Nuclear Club.”
 
Each Iranian enrichment facility — known or unknown — is crammed with those iconic cascades of tall and shiny aluminum centrifuges. Each cascade is comprised of dozens of centrifuges like long hands with many fingers. The march is almost unstoppable. If one cascade goes down, if a complete multi-cascade “production hall” stops operating, indeed if an entire plant is destroyed, others elsewhere in Iran will pick up the pace. Hour by hour, day by day, those centrifuges incrementally crank out the nuclear material needed to create the kilograms of HEU needed for a bomb. Despite international sanctions and global pressure, the centrifuges spin nonstop. The centrifugal forces have only accelerated. The clock is ticking.
 
But the lethality of Iran’s weapons program cannot be assessed merely by measuring the size and enrichment level of its nuclear material. That is one measure — but only one — of four indispensable measurements. All the gunpowder in the world will not make a bullet. It must be manufactured. That bullet needs a rifle before it can be shot. Finally, it needs a marksman in position.
 
The next step requires Iran’s growing stock of enriched uranium to be shaped into a weaponized spheroid object — the warhead. That process has been underway for many years.
 

Spherodization of uranium metal into a warhead

For the past 15 years, Iran has been on a quest to master the machining and engineering skills needed to transform Highly Enriched Uranium into a spheroidal or hemispherical mass that could be loaded into a missile cone to constitute the warhead.
 
Tehran long ago acknowledged to the IAEA that it indeed established “contacts with intermediaries of a clandestine nuclear-supply network in 1987 and the early 1990s, and that, in 1987, it had received … a 15-page document (hereafter referred to as the ‘uranium metal document’), which outlines the conversion of uranium fluoride compounds into uranium metal and the production of hemispherical enriched uranium metallic components.”
 
The campaign to build and detonate a nuclear spheroid payload has been years in the making. Iranian scientists who contacted Khan and his circles were particularly eager to learn more about “neutron cross-section calculations … and shock-wave interactions with metals,” according to a November 8, 2011 IAEA report compiled by the agency’s director general to its Board of Governors. Later, Iranian scientists sought “complex calculations relating to the state of criticality of a solid sphere of uranium being compressed by high explosives,” that same IAEA report attributes to a Member State. Such calculations are essential to test the potency of any spheroid warhead Iran would load into a missile nosecone. The IAEA admits it has known about this aspect of the Iranian weaponization effort since 2005.
 
As early as 2003, Iran undertook, “to initiate a high-explosive charge in the form of a hemispherical shell,” as detailed in a November 2011 IAEA report that features a special extended Annex labeled “Possible Military Dimensions to Iran’s Nuclear Program.” The Annex, published by the IAEA, laid out the details obtained through its Member States.
 
“During that experiment,” the Annex explained, “the internal hemispherical curved surface of the high-explosive charge was monitored using a large number of optical-fiber cables, and the light output of the explosive upon detonation was recorded with a high-speed streak camera. It should be noted that the dimensions of the initiation system and the explosives used with it were consistent with the dimensions for the new payload, which … were given to the engineers who were studying how to integrate the new payload into the chamber of the Shahab-3 missile reentry vehicle.” Then, in 2005, the IAEA’s November 2011 military annex asserts, Iran sought the expertise to assemble “the complex calculations relating to the state of criticality of a solid sphere of uranium being compressed by high explosives.”
 
To better perfect the weaponization of a HEU spheroid warhead, Iran must test and measure the metal ball’s reaction to those high explosives. These studies are known as hydrodynamics because they measure when material is so massively compressed and heated that it begins to flow and function like a fluid. This brings into play an understanding of fluid dynamics.
 
The IAEA’s November 2011 military annex makes clear that “throughout the entire timeline,” inspectors have documented Iran’s acquisition of items that “would be useful in the development of a nuclear explosive device.” The Annex enumerates with extreme specificity that these items include “high-speed electronic switches and spark gaps (useful for triggering and firing detonators); high-speed cameras (useful in experimental diagnostics); neutron sources (useful for calibrating neutron-measuring equipment); radiation detection and measuring equipment (useful in a nuclear-material production environment); and training courses on topics relevant to nuclear-explosives development (such as neutron cross-section calculations and shock-wave interactions/hydrodynamics).”
Indeed, that November 2011 Annex devotes an entire section, Section C.7., entitled “Hydrodynamic Experiments,” to detailing the steps Iran has taken to test the detonation of spheroidal metals. The section states that “Iran has manufactured simulated nuclear-explosive components using high-density materials such as tungsten.” It also speaks of databanks of modeling and calculations “to monitor the symmetry of the compressive shock of the simulated core of a nuclear device.”
Most alarming, states the Annex, is the discovery of a unique “large-explosives containment vessel in which to conduct hydrodynamic experiments.” The vessel has been in the Parchin complex for over a decade, according to the IAEA report. So well authenticated is this massive cylindrical containment vessel, with its characteristic external piping to siphon off and register explosive results, that the Associated Press felt sure enough to syndicate a sketch of the chamber. The AP sketch of the explosion testing chamber with its distinctive yellow piping was published worldwide earlier this year.

Sketch of a large-explosives containment vessel in which to conduct
 hydrodynamic experiments believed to be situated
inside Iran’s Parchin military site. (photo credit: AP)



The IAEA military annex concludes, “Hydrodynamic experiments such as those described above, which involve high explosives in conjunction with nuclear material or nuclear-material surrogates, are strong indicators of possible weapon development.”
How far along the path of perfecting the metallurgy, spheroidization, and the control of that spheroid under intense detonation is unknown. But the real question is can a warhead be detonated?
 

Nuclear warhead detonation

A super-precise, multipoint detonating trigger would be needed to initiate the atomic chain reaction that will produce the bomb with its mushroom cloud. The deadly spheroid cannot just be match-lit with a fuse or beat with a hammer. Such a device must be detonated with a super-sophisticated nuclear trigger engineered with the extraordinary precision and synchrony requisite to initiate the implosion.
 
The nuclear trigger now in the latter stages of development in Iran is the R265 system. Specifically, the R265 employs a multipoint shock generator that causes a simultaneous implosion from all sides surrounding the spheroidal weaponized material, according to the IAEA intelligence distributed to all Western governments. It must be compact. The Shahab-3 tri-conic nosecone features a diameter of 600 millimeters, according to missile weapons experts. The outer radius of the R265 system offers a “diameter of 550 millimeters, less than the estimated diameter of about 600 millimeters available inside the payload chamber of a Shahab-3,” according to a recent report by the nuclear experts at the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS), nuclear armament experts who have access to IAEA reports and monitor all developments in Iran’s nuclear program.
 
The hemispherical aluminum of the R265 shell that will host the implosion sequence is 265 millimeter thick, leaving a 10 millimeter distance for the sequence. According to a November 2011 ISIS report released in tandem to the IAEA military annex, the design appears simple, even if making it work with microsecond synchrony is a prodigious task of engineering. “Outer channels are cut into the outer surface of the shell,” explains the ISIS report, “each channel one by one millimeter.” The report adds, “Each channel terminates in a cylindrical hole, 5 mm in diameter, that is drilled though the shell and contains an explosive pellet.” The explosive pellets, the November 2011 ISIS report continues, will be made of PETN. The powerful explosive PETN is the one many terrorists have chosen.
 
“The geometrical pattern formed by channels and holes is arranged in quadrants on the outer hemispheric surface, which allows a single central point of initiation and the simultaneous detonation of explosives in all the holes on the hemisphere,” according to the November 2011 ISIS report. That outer detonation constitutes merely stage one.
 
The simultaneous initiation of a high explosive in the outer hemisphere impacts a second interior device known as “exploding bridgewire” (EBW). The timing will not be measured in seconds, or even milliseconds—which are one-thousandths of a second—but in microseconds. A microsecond is one-millionth of a second.
 
As far back as May 2008, an IAEA report stated, “Iran acknowledged that it had conducted simultaneous testing with two to three EBW detonators with a time precision of about one microsecond.” Indeed, the IAEA confirmed that such testing of EBW detonators has been underway at least since February 2004 and probably since 2003 utilizing “as many as 500 EBW detonators.” ISIS states, “Iran would need only two EBWs to initiate a nuclear explosion.”
 
In a February 2008 weaponization briefing obtained ISIS, the IAEA described some Iranian research graphics it had discovered. “Several sketches for a missile head integrating the chamber described above were shown,” the IAEA briefing notes detail, “indicating the electronic mechanism and the spherical warhead. They do not, however, give an explicit indication that it’s a nuclear weapon. The following stages of the project are mentioned in the slides: configuration of the structure, design of material, connections, tightness of chamber seal, test of design, [and] tolerance of surface states. Mathematical simulations appear to have been done to define the centers of mass, the equilibrium of the charges, the whole coinciding with the parameters for a Shahab-3 warhead.”
 
Some of the EBW testing was done in what a 2008 IAEA briefing describes as “a 400m deep shaft located 10 km from a firing control point,” which “shows the placement of various electronic systems such as a control unit and a high-voltage power generator.”
 
With the R265 and EBWs operational, Tehran’s device would require the final ingredient to make it a working nuclear bomb: the neutron initiator. Iran has it.
 
IAEA inspectors have identified the foreign expert who gave Iran the expertise to operate at split-microsecond speed. His name is Vycheslav V. Danilenko, a Ukrainian engineer employed for three decades in the Soviet Union’s nuclear-weapon complex at Chelyabinsk-70. In the early 1960s, Danilenko worked as “a member of the gas dynamics group” says an ISIS summary of IAEA documents. His specialty was precision photography and measurement of high-explosive detonation and shock compression. The high-explosive by-products were nanodiamonds, also known as UDD (ultra-dispersed diamonds).
 
The ISIS summary states that after falling on hard economic times in the early 1990s, Danilenko “contacted the Iranian embassy in mid-1995, offering his expertise on UDD. At the end of the year, he was contacted by Dr. Seyed Abbas Shahmoradi,” a top controller at the Iran’s nuclear establishment. Ultimately, says the ISIS summary, “Danilenko signed a contract with Shahmoradi.” ISIS adds, “The IAEA has reviewed publications by Danilenko and has met with him. It has been able to verify through three separate sources, including the expert himself, that he was in Iran during that time.”
 
In December 2009, ISIS published a further report on Iran’s nuclear-weapon progress that described the vital role of the neutron initiator in activating the chain reaction that makes the warhead explode as a nuclear bomb. That report describes, “a neutron initiator made out of uranium deuteride (UD3), which, when finished (and subsequently manufactured), would most likely be placed at the center of a fission bomb made from weapons-grade uranium. This type of initiator works by the high explosives compressing the nuclear core and [then] the initiator producing a spurt of neutrons as a result of fusion … The neutrons flood the core of weapons-grade uranium and initiate the chain reaction.”
 
The December 2009 ISIS report indicates work on a neutron initiator might have occurred even before 2003, adding, “Although Iran might claim that this work is for civil purposes, it has no civil application.” That ISIS report also makes clear that getting the neutron initiator operable “would be the hardest measurement Iran would need to make in developing a nuclear weapon … The timing of the explosion and resulting shock waves would need to be perfect in order to get enough fusion to create a spurt of neutrons in a reliable manner at exactly the right instant.” The report adds, “This approach was followed by Pakistan in the early 1980s.”
 
Indeed, a Pakistani neutron initiator can be seen at on the cover of the book, Dr. A. Q. Khan on Science and Education. The book shows AQ Khan standing in front of a green chalkboard with his design for a multipoint nuclear-bomb trigger featuring a neutron initiator distinctly labeled in the middle of the warhead.

The book, Dr. A. Q. Khan on Science and Education,
 shows Khan standing in front of a green chalkboard with his design for a
multipoint nuclear-bomb trigger featuring a neutron initiator distinctly
labeled in the middle of the warhead. (photo credit: Courtesy)



With 25 kilograms of enough highly enrichment uranium converted into a deadly metallic sphere compact enough to be inserted inside a 600-millimeter tri-conic nosecone and encased in a two-stage R265 shock generator working in tandem with an EBW to ignite a neutron initiator, Iran would still need a reliable delivery vehicle.
 
Iran has it: the Shabab-3.
 
Iran’s main nuclear warhead-ready missile is the Shahab-3, the renamed North Korean No-Dong 1, which is based on a Russian Scud-C design. In Farsi, Shahab means Meteor. While Iran possesses various North Korean missiles relabeled with Farsi names such as the Shabab-1 and Shabab-2, the Shahab-3 is uniquely suited to deliver a nuclear bomb to Israel. The Shahab-3 is designed to carry a warhead of approximately 800-1000 kilograms, and boasts a range of some 1200 kilometers — far enough to reach Israel.
 

Shahab-3 missile delivery — airburst at 600 meters

Iran’s main nuclear warhead-ready missile is the Shahab-3, the renamed North Korean No-Dong 1, which is based on a Russian Scud-C design. In Farsi, Shahab means Meteor. While Iran possesses various North Korean missiles relabeled with Farsi names such as the Shabab-1 and Shabab-2, the Shahab-3 is uniquely suited to deliver a nuclear bomb to Israel. The Shahab-3 is designed to carry a warhead of approximately 800-1000 kilograms, and boasts a range of some 1200 kilometers — far enough to reach Israel.
 
Most importantly, it can detonate not only upon impact, but in an airburst above ground. The lethal Shahab-3 missiles are truck-mobile, so they can shoot from a parking lot or a pistachio grove. No one can be sure how many Shahab-3s are held in Tehran’s inventory, but certainly it is scores, if not hundreds. Videos show Iran shooting several at once. This particular missile is the one that IAEA inspectors and governments most closely associate with Iran’s nuclear weapon program. They have been worried about it for years.
 
ISIS notes from a February 2008 IAEA weaponization briefing state: “The information presented, which included multimedia files, describes several aspects of what could be nuclear-weapons development [including] instructions on … missile-reentry vehicle research including the chronology of events-separation of the missile, loss-of-tracking, switching on of altitude detectors, and timing of firing devices leading to an explosion at an altitude of about 600 meters. The IAEA notes that the altitude described in the documents excludes the possibility that the warhead was designed to accommodate conventional explosives or chemical and biological charges.”
 
A 2008 IAEA report recounts a discussion with the Iranians about “parameters and development work related to the Shahab-3 missile, in particular technical aspects of a reentry vehicle.” IAEA inspectors “made available to Iran for examination a computer image … showing a schematic layout of the contents of the inner cone of a reentry vehicle. This layout has been assessed by the agency as quite likely to be able to accommodate a nuclear device.” Iran denied the authenticity of the schematic.
The November 2011 IAEA military annex reflects alarm regarding “high explosives (including the development of exploding bridgewire detonators) and re-engineering of the payload chamber of the Shahab 3 missile reentry vehicle.” When the November 2011 IAEA report cited its concern over “at least one large-scale experiment in 2003 to initiate a high-explosive charge in the form of a hemispherical shell,” the agency specified in the same paragraph that “the explosives used with it were consistent with the dimensions for the new payload, which, according to the alleged studies documentation, were given to the engineers who were studying how to integrate the new payload into the chamber of the Shahab 3 missile reentry vehicle.”
 
Later, in a subsequent section of that November 2011 IAEA military annex entitled “Fusing, Arming and Firing system,” the inspectors report that they asked the Tehran authorities about design graphics that reflect efforts to “integrate the new payload into the reentry vehicle of the Shahab 3 missile [and] … the development of a prototype firing system that would enable the payload to explode both in the air above a target or upon impact of the reentry vehicle.” Iran formally replied that the graphics were a mere “animation game.” In other words, Iran dismissed the nuclear-bomb graphics as a sort of doodle.
The matter came up again last year in a section of the November 2011 IAEA military annex entitled “Integration into a Missile Delivery Vehicle.” The IAEA Board of Governors repeated, “The project appears to have consisted of a structured and comprehensive program of engineering studies to examine how to integrate a new spherical payload into the existing payload chamber, which would be mounted in the reentry vehicle of the Shahab 3 missile.”
 
The reason Iran’s pursuit of an airburst detonation of approximately 600 meters is so troubling to IAEA inspector is because the inspectors know their history. The atomic bombs dropped over Hiroshima and Nagasaki were designed to detonate as an airburst—at 600 meters.
 

How sure is sure?

Just how sure is the IAEA about its findings. The agency certainly tends to liberally sprinkle the word “alleged” and “alleged documentation” throughout its reportage. That is the pro forma language of such international bodies. But to address any reservation on the authenticity of the information assembled, the IAEA in its 2011 military annex took the rare opportunity of including a full section entitled “Credibility of Information.”
 
The Credibility of Information section assured the authenticity of the data, certifying that it relied upon “a large volume of documentation (including correspondence, reports, graphs from presentations, videos, and engineering drawings), amounting to over a thousand pages. The information reflected in that documentation is of a technically complex and interconnected nature, showing research, development, and testing activities over time. It also contains working-level correspondence consistent with the day-to-day implementation of a formal programme. Consistent with the Agency’s practice, that information has been carefully and critically examined. The Agency has also had several meetings with the Member State [Iran] to clarify the information it had provided, to question the Member State [Iran] about the forensics it had carried out on the documentation and the information reflected in it, and to obtain more information on the underlying sources.”
 
The Credibility of Information section added that the IAEA information was obtained from diverse sources and vetted by official bodies in numerous countries. “In addition to the alleged studies documentation,” the IAEA November 2011 military annex states, “the Agency has received information from more than ten Member States. This has included procurement information, information on international travel by individuals said to have been involved in the alleged activities, financial records, documents reflecting health and safety arrangements, and other documents demonstrating manufacturing techniques for certain high-explosive components. This information reinforces and tends to corroborate the information reflected in the alleged studies documentation and relates to activities substantially beyond those identified in that documentation.”
 
Driving home the degree of certitude, the IAEA annex averred, “In addition to the information referred to … the Agency has acquired information as a result of its own efforts, including publications and articles acquired through open-source research, satellite imagery, the results of Agency verification activities, and information provided by Iran in the context of those verification activities. Importantly, the Agency has also had direct discussions with a number of individuals who were involved in relevant activities in Iran, including, for example, an interview with a leading figure in the clandestine nuclear-supply network. The information obtained by the Agency from the discussions with these individuals is consistent with the information provided by Member States, and that acquired through its own efforts, in terms of time frames and technical content.”
 
That IAEA military annex complains of Iran’s obstruction. While “Iran has acknowledged certain information reflected in the alleged studies documentation … many of the answers given by Iran to questions posed by the Agency in connection with efforts to resolve the Agency’s concerns have been imprecise and/or incomplete, and the information has been slow in coming and sometimes contradictory.” In addition, the IAEA complains of secret activities, saying, “The existence of previously undeclared parts of Iran’s nuclear programme, have tended to increase the Agency’s concerns, rather than dispel them.”
 
In a final statement, the agency make the blanket statement: “Based on these considerations, and in light of the Agency’s general knowledge of the Iranian nuclear programme and its historical evolution, the Agency finds the information upon which Part C of this Annex is based to be, overall, credible.”
In summation, based on voluminous data, the IAEA reiterates its concern: “Iran has carried out activities that are relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device.”
 
Just days ago, on August 30, the IAEA Board of Governors issued a statement with Restricted Distribution reiterating its long-held conclusion: “Since 2002, the Agency has become increasingly concerned about the possible existence in Iran of undisclosed nuclear related activities involving military-related organizations, including activities related to the development of a nuclear payload for a missile.” The August 30 statement emphasizes once again, “Iran has carried out activities that are relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device. This information, which comes from a wide variety of independent sources, including from a number of Member States, from the Agency’s own efforts, and from information provided by Iran itself, is assessed by the Agency to be, overall, credible.”
 
In its August 30, 2012 report summary, the IAEA concluded that it was more or less giving up: “As Iran is not providing the necessary cooperation,” the IAEA stated, “the Agency is unable to provide credible assurance about the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, and therefore to conclude that all nuclear material in Iran is in peaceful activities”
 

News and revelations

The point of these revelations about Iran’s advanced warhead design is that they are not revelations at all. The news is that these revelations are old news. They have been known to Western governments for many months and in some cases several years. This information was not given to this writer in a Georgetown briefing by a defense official or in a Tel Aviv café by a Mossad operative. Everything quoted here is robustly searchable on the Internet. Almost none of it is taken from media reports, but rather from governmental, official or quasi-official sources publically available. For some 15 years, Iran has been building a bomb. Government leaders know this.



Herman Nackaerts, Deputy Director General and Head of the
Department of Safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA,
left, and Iran’s Ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA,
Ali Asghar Soltanieh speak to journalists after their talks at the
 permanent mission of Iran in Vienna on Aug. 24, 2012.
(photo credit: AP Photo/Hans Punz)

Israel will wait until the last moment, diplomatic sources say, allowing every nonmilitary lever to work. Ultimately, Israel will rely upon itself as it did when it destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor in 1981 in Operation Babylon and, according to foreign reports, the budding Syrian-North Korean reactor in 2007 in Operation Orchard.
 
To the question of when any such attack on Iran might occur, the best minds say, “He who knows does not speak; he who speaks does not know.” But the best sense is that when and if it happens, the noise will be deafening and reverberate for a long time.
 
———–
Font: Edwin Black is the author of the international best sellers IBM and the Holocaust,
Banking on Baghdad, and The Farhud. He can be found at www.edwinblack.com.
© Copyright 2012 Edwin Black
All Rights Reserved



The Obama Administration and the Civil War in Syria

Rebel activity against Bashar Assad’s regime, which began in March 2011, was initially limited to certain areas, while Syria’s large cities remained more or less undisturbed. During the first months, there was noted hesitancy on Washington's part regarding the best course of action for the United States in this crisis. While avoiding making a decision, the administration repeatedly called on President Assad to institute democratic reforms in Syria. When Assad consistently refused to do so, the administration heightened its demands, and on August 18, 2011, President Obama called on President Assad to give up his position “for the sake of the Syrian people.”

At the same time, the administration worked intensively on the international arena, especially in various UN institutions, to formulate an international course of action against Assad’s regime, and it also took a series of economic steps against Syria. It has been reported that the American administration is almost certainly working with Saudi Arabia and Turkey to help the rebels against Assad. According to one such report, American intelligence personnel are stationed on the Turkish-Syrian border and are assisting in training the rebels and supplying them with information, and perhaps with weapons as well.

On October 4, 2011, the Security Council convened to discuss the situation in Syria. A proposed resolution was presented condemning the “continued grave and systematic human right violations and use of force against civilians by the Syrian authorities.” The proposal called for a political process in a violence-free atmosphere, “effectively addressing the legitimate aspirations and concerns of Syria’s population.” China and Russia voted against the resolution. Brazil, India, Lebanon, and South Africa abstained. The resolution, although it won the requisite number of nine votes, was rejected because of the Chinese and Russian vetoes.

A few months later, on February 4, 2012, the Security Council met again to discuss the situation, and again, on the basis of a proposed resolution, the Syrian regime was called on to refrain from violence against civilians and withdraw the army from the cities, take down roadblocks, and allow legal demonstrations by civilians. Syria was also asked to “allow unhindered access for all Arab League institutions to determine the truth about the situation on the ground and monitor the incidents taking place.”

Consequently, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon and Arab League Secretary Nabil al-Arabi decided on February 23, 2012 to appoint former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan as special envoy to Syria. After a few weeks, Annan submitted a program for resolving the Syrian crisis to Ban Ki Moon. On April 5, 2012, the Security Council president called on the Syrian regime to adopt the program. Furthermore, both the government and the opposition were asked to hold their fire until April 12, 2012. This call remained unheeded.

On April 21, 2012, the Security Council decided to establish the United Nations Supervision Mission in Syria (UNSMIS), consisting of 300 observers who would remain in Syria for 90 days. In mid June 2012, the commanding officer of UNSMIS announced the suspension of activities given the rising incidence of violence there. On July 19, 2012, the Security Council was asked to pressure Syria with sanctions should it fail to stop the violence. The proposal was again rejected because of Chinese and Russian opposition. In early August 2012, Annan announced his resignation as special envoy, and Algerian diplomat Lakhdar Brahimi was appointed in his stead. A few weeks later, the observer force ended its assignment.

Some voices in the United States administration have called for more active American involvement in Syria, including the pursuit of military measures. Various proposals to limit the Syrian air force’s freedom of action have been made by creating safe havens.

At least until the presidential elections in November 2012, the Obama administration will likely avoid any military action in Syria. The civil war in Syria at its current level does not seem to appear to the administration as a high risk to critical United States interests. As a state hostile to the United States, Syria's weakening in the civil war is a clear American interest. Conversely, as Iran's ally, Syria's weakening means the undermining of the Iranian-Syrian axis, which is likewise a welcome development for the United States. Syria is also a close ally of Russia and China, rivals of the US on the international arena. The current reality in Syria is embarrassing as well as alarming to Russia and China. From America’s perspective, this is by no means an undesirable situation.

Syria’s enemies in the region, also allies of the United StatesIsrael, Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan – share an essential interest in seeing Syria weakened. These states view Syria as hostile and as endangering their interests at varying levels of intensity. The civil war is causing tremendous damage to Syria’s economy and Syrian military power. For Syria’s neighbors, this is a welcome outcome, especially since in the current reality, there is no clear immediate danger that Syria’s civil war will spread to neighboring countries. Thus, the United States does not see the need to heighten its involvement in Syria at this time.

The coming elections in the United States are also a significant constraint for President Obama’s administration. Although no administration official will admit it, the Obama administration currently appears driven by a zero-friction policy, at least until the elections. The relative peace and quiet of the present – the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq and the intention to withdraw also from Afghanistan – serves the administration well and improves the chances of Obama winning a second term in office. Any military involvement, even if minimal, is liable to drag the United States into a bloody struggle whose results are impossible to predict, and this in turn could have severe ramifications for America’s economy and the elections results.

Finally, the American administration is well aware that the blood-soaked civil war raging in Syria is not a confrontation between the "good guys" and the "bad guys." Both sides operate with brutality and harbor few inhibitions, even if the media presents the Syrian regime in dark colors and the rebels in positive terms. The rebel forces are far from unified and it is hard to control them. The American administration rightly worries about massacres that the rebels could perpetrate during the war. Even if American forces were not to be directly involved, they would almost certainly be tainted by association. Should the rebels win, they will likely seek serious revenge from the Alawites. Here too the United States would not be able to evade responsibility should it step up its involvement now. All of these considerations are almost certainly deterring the administration from intensifying its involvement in Syria at this time.

Font: המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומ 

Saturday, September 1, 2012

IRGC Navy's Communication Systems Impenetrable

TEHRAN (FNA)- Commander of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) Navy Rear Admiral Ali Fadavi said his forces have adopted the necessary measures to confront enemies' spying operations against Iran's military communication tools and systems.
 
 
Addressing a group of the IRGC Navy personnel in Iran's Southern port city of Bandar Abbas on Saturday, Fadavi said the communication systems which have been developed by the aliens are means of control against other nations since they have been designed to be vulnerable to their makers' hacking efforts.

This means that communication systems and devices should all be indigenized to have better security, he added.

"Creation of a safe and secure contact system is on our agenda, and we have taken great and good steps to that end," the commander said.

Western military analysts say they are stunned by Iranian experts' high capability of cyber defense and cyber attacks.

In July, Iran's Minister of Communication and Information Technology Reza Taqipour announced that Iran has successfully confronted sophisticated spy malwares and thwarted all cyber attacks against the country's infrastructures.
 
 

Saturday, August 25, 2012

Freezing of large amounts of money for the recycling of Hezbollah


Hundreds of millions of dollars are in circulation around the world.
 
 
 
 
 
 




  The U.S. authorities have announced a freeze of about $ 150 million, which are apparently related to a money laundering ring in Lebanon Hizbollahmiliz active.
According to the statement from the prosecutor's office in Manhattan, the Lebanese Canadian Bank and other unidentified bodies 2007-2011 almost $ 330 million posted in the United States.
With this purchase gold was funded by cars, which were then shipped to West Africa. The money from the sale of cars is therefore, according to the prosecutor's office again been conducted in Lebanon, where it should be delivered to Hezbollah. In this week took the money that was supposed to be some items of business money launderer from December 2011.
According to officials of the United States informed the Lebanese Canadian Bank has played a "key role" in facilitating money laundering in support of organizations around the world, which are controlled by Hezbollah. A spokesman for Hezbollah rejected the plea, which was nothing more than "a further attempt to damage the image of the resistance in Lebanon." [TA]

Thursday, August 23, 2012

Changes in the Balance of Power in Egypt: Egyptian Discourse on the Social Networks

 
 

Background

Following the terrorist attack in northern Sinai that killed sixteen Egyptian soldiers, the internal struggle in Egypt between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) reached a new level. Two days after the attack, President Mohamed Morsi announced the dismissal of Murad Muwafi, head of the General Intelligence Directorate, who had replaced Omar Suleiman, as well as the dismissal of the governor of the northern Sinai province and the head of the military police. Five days later, President Morsi announced that Defense Minister Tantawi, Chief of Staff Anan, and the commanders of the navy, air defense, and air force were “retiring.” It appears that the top command echelon of the Egyptian defense establishment, which operated as part of SCAF and has controlled Egypt since Mubarak’s ouster, was dealt a heavy blow in the struggle with the civil government. Many social media users are calling this development “check mate” and “a knockout” in favor of the Muslim Brotherhood. President Morsi also used the opportunity to recover the executive and legislative powers that SCAF had taken from him.

 
The Changes in the Military Leadership
 
Discussions in the social media have posited that a move of this magnitude requires coordination and internal cooperation between the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohammed Morsi, and senior officials in the army and the SCAF. Generals al-Sisi and al-Assar, who were appointed to senior positions by the Defense Minister and his deputy, are said to have collaborated with the Muslim Brotherhood for the purpose of completing the “civil revolution.” Otherwise, the move would not have gone quietly: “tanks would have been stationed outside the presidential palace.” The assessment, therefore, is that a deal was made between the new heads of the military and the Muslim Brotherhood, so that in exchange for completing the “civil revolution,” the main interests of the military generals would be protected, including:

a.       The outgoing military generals retire with honor and with medals, without being arrested, executed, or exiled.

b.       Military personnel retain their benefits, bonuses, and pensions.

c.       The military retains its control of national security strategy. The newly appointed figures have a strategic approach to national security that is identical to that of their predecessors. In other words, this is a re-staffing (internal politics), not a change in defense policy.

d.       No harm to the economic interests of the military, which controls some 30-40 percent of the national economy. The air force commander’s appointment as minister of military industry indicates that for now, the military’s economic monopoly will be preserved. However, social network users believe that these monopolies will be broken up gradually (so as not to cause the collapse of the Egyptian economy) and that it will be possible to move to a freer economy.

Suspicions of US involvement in the ouster of the Egyptian military elite have been sounded frequently. The appointment of General al-Assar – known as “Washington’s man in Cairo” – as the deputy defense minister strengthens this conspiracy theory. Even before the recent developments, there were claims that Washington chose “to sell out the military elite” and to collaborate with the Muslim Brotherhood out of strategic considerations of realpolitik (abandoning a sinking ship in favor of new players).

Other discussions indicate that even those who hated SCAF and who in principle support President Morsi’s move to transfer complete control (both legislative and executive) to civilian hands wonder who will ensure that Egypt remains a civil and not a theocratic state. Morsi’s choice to deliver his two speeches to the nation from mosques and to give them a religious touch also increases fears of the establishment of an Islamic Republic of Egypt. It is understood that as long as the liberal, secular revolutionaries, known as the “third current,” were weak, it was SCAF that preserved the “secular” character of the country.


The Appendix to the Constitution and Parliamentary Elections

In addition to replacing the military generals, President Morsi took another drastic step and annulled the appendix to the constitution (the supplementary constitutional declaration of June 17), which limited the role of the president and established that the executive branch would remain in SCAF hands. When he nullified the supplementary constitutional declaration, Morsi announced that by virtue of the constitution of March 30, 2011 (article 56), the president is permitted to take back exclusive control of the country, such that the executive branch and the legislative branch are in his hands.

If the current assembly, which is today in the advanced stages of writing a constitution, does not succeed in completing it within thirty days, the president is permitted to appoint a new Constituent Assembly for drafting a constitution (the list of 100), which will represent all Egyptian sectors. Already today, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists have a majority in the Constituent Assembly.

Thirty days after the drafting of the constitution has been completed, it will be subject to a referendum, and if it is approved by an absolute majority, new parliamentary elections will be held within sixty days. Nevertheless, annulment of the appendix to the constitution cannot nullify the decision to dissolve the parliament. In other words, Morsi’s government of technocrats is a transitional government, and it will operate as the legislative and executive branch until the new parliamentary elections, to be held in January 2013 at the earliest.

Liberal, Secular Fears

With the executive and legislative branches and control over the armed forces now in the hands of one man (even if he was elected in democratic elections), no civil constitution, and no date set for parliamentary elections, some people are expressing fear of over-centralization and a return to a non-democratic model, especially when the government is in the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood. Now, when the balance of power between SCAF and the Muslim Brotherhood has been tipped in favor of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the civil society is still not strong enough, the question is, how will it be possible to maintain human rights and Egypt’s liberal-secular character (according to the demands of the revolution) when there is no other force to balance the Muslim Brotherhood?
 

Assessment

It appears that there are grounds for the assumption that Morsi’s move was made possible by collaboration between the Muslim Brotherhood and the “younger” generals against the older military generals (al-Sisi is almost twenty years younger than Tantawi). The younger senior officers in SCAF apparently feared that the veteran leadership would fail to preserve the interests of the military and its officers. If so, the question is whether the civil government succeeded with this one step in annulling the military’s political power, or whether there is still some balance of fear and further conflicts can be expected if the president subsequently aims to limit the large part of the military's remaining power and assets.

Despite the conspiracy approach to the United States that is typical in Egypt, it is doubtful whether the United States was in fact involved in these moves. All signs are that the United States was surprised by these rapid moves, although it is reasonable to assume that a short time before they were carried out, at least senior military officials reported to their US colleagues on what was expected to happen.

The fears among social media users of theocratic/dictatorial tendencies of the Muslim Brotherhood government will likely generate a high level of alertness to decisions by President Morsi and his government that might indicate that direction. It remains to be seen whether this awareness, which can translate into mass protests, will serve as a sufficiently strong deterrent to such religiously motivated actions. The moves toward new elections to the legislature and the drafting of a new constitution will serve as the main test cases.

From Israel’s point of view, the military’s continued control over national security strategy ensures stability in the main areas of relations with Israel for the short term, and perhaps even the medium term. In the longer term, relations with Israel will be affected by further possible erosion of the military’s control of these issues.

Font: המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומ


Bo Xilai: power, death and politics

The alleged murder of Neil Heywood has brought down one of China’s most powerful politicians – and exposed a power struggle that has rocked the Communist party.


As the cyanide took effect, Neil Percival Heywood must have looked around at the tacky photos of trees and waterfalls on the mustard-coloured wallpaper and wondered how he ever got involved in the vicious world of Chinese politics.
The dingy room at the Lucky Holiday Hotel – a three-star hilltop resort in the Chinese metropolis of Chongqing where Heywood was found dead on November 15 last year – was a long way from his childhood in a middle-class London suburb and his education at Harrow, the elite private school attended by Winston Churchill and Lord Byron. Although he had become increasingly worried about his involvement with one of China’s most powerful political families, and had seen enough to know how they dealt with those who crossed them, he thought it very unlikely they would kill a foreigner.

Heywood could not have imagined that his murder would spark the biggest Chinese political scandal in at least two decades and expose an elite power struggle that has shaken the ruling Communist party to its core. After spending nearly half his 41 years living in China, mostly working as a small-time business consultant and fixer, his death in the secluded, run-down guest house was blamed on “excessive alcohol consumption” by the Chongqing police.
His remains were quickly cremated, without an autopsy, on the authorisation of his family. According to people familiar with the matter, Heywood’s Chinese wife Wang Lulu was pressured by the Chongqing authorities to agree to the quick cremation and was so distraught when she arrived in the city that she sent her brother with a British consular official to identify the body. Almost every single staff member at the Lucky Holiday Hotel was replaced over the following month and all current employees have been warned not to discuss the incident with anyone.
Back in the UK, Heywood’s sister, elderly mother and friends were told he died of a heart attack, as his father Peter had in 2004 at the age of 63. At a memorial on December 19, in St Mary’s Church in Battersea, London, the Heywood family was joined by many of Neil’s old Harrovian schoolmates. “At least some of us were puzzled and concerned by the circumstances of Neil’s death and the story that he’d died of a heart attack,” says one person who attended. “Those of us that knew who he was connected to in China felt something more sinister had happened.”
The Lucky Holiday Hotel was a favourite spot for Gu Kailai, wife of Bo Xilai, a member of the elite 25-member politburo of the Communist party and the man who ruled like a king over Chongqing, a city-province with a population of 33 million and a land area the size of Austria. For Heywood, virtually all of his modest success as a business consultant for British companies in China stemmed from his 15-year relationship with the Bo-Gu family and it was Gu Kailai who arranged for him to come to Chongqing and stay at the forlorn, mist-shrouded compound last November. It is here that she is alleged to have murdered him using potassium cyanide, reportedly administered in a drink with the help of a household orderly and bodyguard named Zhang Xiaojun. The government announcement on April 10 of her detention on suspicion of “intentional homicide”, and her husband Bo Xilai’s suspension from all his posts because of “serious discipline violations”, sent shockwaves through Chinese politics.


The death of an obscure British consultant had brought down one of China’s most powerful politicians, a man who had been favoured to ascend to the ruling nine-member Communist party politburo standing committee at a once-in-a-decade power transition later this autumn. While Gu and Bo remain in detention awaiting an official verdict, their downfall has also revealed a deep rift among the top echelons of the Communist party and debunked the idea that authoritarian China has managed to institutionalise an orderly succession process in the absence of democracy. But Heywood’s suspicious death would have almost definitely remained a mystery and Bo would still be a rising political star if it wasn’t for the actions of one man – Bo’s once-loyal and fanatical chief of police in Chongqing, Wang Lijun.

Wang’s flight from house arrest in Chongqing to a US consulate 300km away on February 6 made him the most senior asylum-seeking official in the history of communist China and will probably go down as an event that changed the course of Chinese history. While machine-gun-toting security agents sent by Bo Xilai surrounded the consulate on February 7, Wang provided US officials with detailed evidence of Heywood’s murder and Gu’s culpability, as well as lurid tales of corruption and political intrigue involving his former boss. He insisted Bo was trying to have him killed and requested political asylum, but when that was refused, he negotiated an exit with Beijing, left the consulate in the middle of the night and was taken to the capital by a vice-minister of state security. He has since disappeared from public view, but people familiar with the case say he has provided detailed and extensive proof of Bo and Gu’s alleged crimes to Chinese investigators and is himself awaiting trial, possibly on charges of treason, a capital crime.

Most Chinese political insiders believe he will receive a relatively light sentence because of his role in helping Bo’s many political enemies to bring down a man they believe could have tried to seize ultimate power and rule as a modern dictator.
“If Wang Lijun hadn’t run to the US consulate and revealed Heywood’s death, then Bo would almost certainly have been elevated into the standing committee and then he would have been untouchable,” a senior party member in the Chongqing government told the FT. “That was a very frightening prospect for his rivals, who thought of him as a Hitler-like figure.”
Even many of his supporters believe Bo would not have been satisfied as a junior member of the collective leadership and would have tried to manoeuvre himself into a more central role, possibly even by replacing Xi Jinping, the man anointed to take over as Chinese president this autumn.


The red aristocrat

If any family in post-revolutionary China can be considered aristocratic, it is that of Bo Xilai. His father was the revolutionary Red Army commander Bo Yibo, one of the all-powerful party elders, known as the “eight immortals”, who controlled Chinese politics from behind the scenes throughout the 1980s and early 1990s. Born on July 3 1949, the year the Communists won the civil war, Bo Xilai had an early life of ultimate privilege. Surrounded by the children of other top officials, he attended the elite Number 4 High School in Beijing, along with his older and younger brothers. “He was much more quiet and civilised than his two brothers, who were really very arrogant and aggressive rascals,” one former classmate says. “On the surface he seemed kinder and gentler than them.” Others described him as a shy boy who would blush when he spoke.

Bo Yibo was Red Army commander and one of the all-
powerful party elders, known as the 'eight immortals', who
controlled Chinese politics throughout the 1980s and early 1990s
But when Mao unleashed the madness of the Cultural Revolution and students organised themselves into “Red Guard” groups to brutalise their teachers and elders, Bo Xilai and his brothers all joined a radical faction called Liandong, or “United Action”. This group of teenage children of high-ranking cadres believed in the “bloodline theory” that said their destiny was to rule over China as the sons of “red nobility”. They were regarded as particularly vicious as they attacked government officials and other Red Guard groups, even as many of their parents, including Bo’s father, were purged and sent to jail or labour camps. In a possibly apocryphal story that is today used as shorthand in Chinese political circles to sum up his character, Bo Xilai actively participated in a public “struggle session” directed against his father, whom he beat until he broke two of his ribs. “He is someone who ‘liu qin bu ren’ – ‘doesn’t recognise the six relations’ – which means he has no loyalty to anyone, not even his own father,” said one person who knew him well at that time and later at university.
Bo Yibo was sent to prison, where he endured torture at the hands of his fanatical captors, while Bo Xilai’s mother, Hu Ming, killed herself or was murdered while a captive of Red Guards, according to differing accounts. The chaotic tide soon turned against their children and Bo Xilai was thrown into prison at the age of 17. He spent nearly five years in jail and in Camp 789, a labour camp for children of disgraced senior officials. On his release in 1972, he went to work in a machine repair factory.
People who know Bo Xilai say his experiences left him bitter, but his belief that he was special and destined to rule never wavered and was probably only strengthened by his awful experiences. With Mao’s death in 1976, the Cultural Revolution ended and Bo Xilai was married and then admitted to the elite Peking University in late 1977 to study history. It was while still in his first year at university that friends and acquaintances say an adulterous romance blossomed between Bo and Gu Kailai, nine years his junior and the youngest of five daughters of Gu Jinsheng, a prominent revolutionary general. After two years of studying history, Bo decided to change to journalism, laying the foundation for his future expert manipulation of the news media.


Making of a politician

After graduating, Bo moved to Liaoning province, in the distant north-east of the country, to work as a low-level cadre. He officially left his first wife and married Gu Kailai. The couple had a son, Bo Guagua, in 1987, and in 1993 Bo Xilai was named mayor of Dalian, thanks in part to lobbying by his father, who by this stage had taken a keen interest in promoting his son’s political career. It was here in this seaside city of six million, in the country’s rustbelt, that Bo began to formulate his trademark political style. His charming public persona and telegenic good looks set him apart from the majority of grey, faceless party bureaucrats and he earned a reputation for getting things done and improving lives. Even today, most ordinary people remember him fondly as someone who made them proud to be from Dalian. “Perhaps us ordinary folk didn’t understand the full picture of what he was up to, but we all thought he was great and he really did a lot for this city,” one resident says.
While the overwhelming public impression of him was positive, some complained he focused too much on grand monuments and cosmetic changes, especially his obsession with planting expensive imported grass. And in contrast to his mass public appeal, Bo was widely hated and feared among his subordinates. “He had a very mean character and would punish officials for the tiniest things,” said one person who worked for him in Dalian. “To foreigners and in front of the cameras he was always smiling, but he would turn to us and his face would change to that of a tyrant.”
Bo’s enormous power as the top Communist official in Dalian manifested in other more sinister incidents. After Dalian-based journalist Jiang Weiping wrote three anonymous articles in a Hong Kong publication that criticised Bo for his role in a corruption scandal, he was sentenced to eight years in prison on charges of subversion and stealing state secrets. He served nearly six years before he was freed and fled to Canada.

Gu Kailai is alleged to have murdered British businessman
Neil Heywood using potassium cyanide administered in a
drink with the help of a bodyguard

Meanwhile, Gu Kailai, whose given name means “embrace the future”, was also burnishing her public image as a high-flying lawyer with the 1998 publication of a book entitled Uphold Justice in America that later became a TV serial. The story followed Gu as she helped several Dalian companies win a case in a US court in 1997. Calling herself Horus Kai in English (after the ancient Egyptian god of war) she was much sought after by Chinese and foreign businesses for legal advice related to investment in Bo’s fiefdom of Dalian.
It was in Dalian in the mid-1990s that Neil Heywood first met the rising political star and his glamorous wife. While still in his twenties and hoping to establish himself as a business consultant, Heywood sent introductory letters to government officials in an attempt to connect with the Chinese elite. Bo, the city’s mayor, responded, and Heywood, with his upper-class British charm, became a friend of the family, eventually joining a group of foreigners who advised Gu on her overseas business ventures. This small coterie included a French architect called Patrick Henri Devillers who friends of Heywood and acquaintances of Gu say was her main business agent in Europe, and probably her lover. Devillers, 52, was arrested last month in Cambodia, where he has lived for at least five years, at the request of the Chinese authorities. He was freed last week and flew to China to help with the investigation into Bo and Gu after he was promised legal immunity.
Around 1999, Gu moved to Bournemouth in the UK with her son, Guagua, so he could attend a language school there before moving to Papplewick, an exclusive private boys prep school, and then Harrow. Neil Heywood told friends he helped Guagua gain admittance to the exclusive schools, and in the succeeding years, he acted as a mentor and friend to the young man, often meeting up with him and his mother in the UK.
As his wife and son settled into their new lives in Britain, back in China, Bo Xilai found his career accelerating and he was promoted to governor of Liaoning province in early 2001. Political analysts say his promotion was partly thanks to a concerted campaign of flattery directed towards China’s then-President Jiang Zemin, as well as continued heavy lobbying by Bo’s father. In 2004, Bo’s media savvy and ambition were launched on to the global stage with his appointment as China’s minister of commerce. Although his salary was no more than Rmb120,000 (£12,000) a year, Bo lived in a palatial mansion in central Beijing and drove a late-model Jaguar, in addition to his chauffeured government car. His wife had ostensibly given up her legal career, but his son was attending private schools in the UK that charge fees of about £30,000 a year.
Since Bo was removed from all his positions in April, investigations into publicly disclosed company reports have exposed hundreds of millions of dollars worth of property and assets owned by members of Bo’s extended family. These documents reveal that between them, Bo’s brothers and sisters and Gu’s sisters control assets worth at least $120m. People close to the family say their actual holdings are far greater, but there is no evidence of any wrongdoing on the part of these siblings.


Banished to the west

By most accounts, Bo was one of the people considered at the 17th Communist party congress in 2007 for advancement to the nine-member politburo standing committee, which in effect rules China, and he had his sights set on being named at least a vice-premier at that time. But his father’s death in January that year reduced his political clout, and staunch opposition from many serving and retired officials, including Premier Wen Jiabao, ultimately ruined his chances. Bo was sent out to the provinces – to the steamy south-western metropolis of Chongqing on the banks of the Yangtze River. “There are three main things that stopped him being promoted – his notoriety from being a member of the Liandong [the violent Red Guard group] in the Cultural Revolution, his father’s bad reputation and overly aggressive campaigning on his behalf and thirdly, the fact he treated colleagues and junior officials so badly,” says Cheng Li, an expert in elite Chinese politics at Brookings Institution. There was also a fear among party leaders and elders that Bo’s overwhelming ambition would lead him to try to seize power as, in stark contrast to other senior cadres, he didn’t try very hard to conceal his desire to one day take the top job of premier or president.
Although he was angry and frustrated at being shoved off to the edge of the empire, Bo would soon find a way to use his new position to raise his profile further. When he arrived to take over as Communist party secretary in November 2007, Chongqing was seething with problems – terrible pollution, unemployment, uncoordinated growth, organised crime, corruption and a nascent real-estate bubble. He quickly began a figurative and literal clean-up of the city with a series of policies that would come to be known collectively as the “Chongqing Model” and were seen by some as presenting an alternative to the policies espoused in Beijing. Just as he had in Dalian, Bo launched a massive planting campaign to “green” and tidy up the city. His agenda included tearing down and rebuilding large swathes of urban areas, an enormous new subsidised housing programme for low-income families, construction of a giant new highway, bridge and tunnel network and a new airport.
Foreign investors were besotted with Bo, with his English banter and all the charm of a western politician that set him apart from all the other dour Communist officials they encountered in China. But just as in Dalian and at the commerce ministry, Bo’s underlings soon learned to fear him.


‘Smashing black’ and ‘singing red’

In order to solidify his control over Chongqing’s police and security services, Bo plucked a man he had known well in north-east China and promoted him several ranks to the head of public security in the city. This man was Wang Lijun, an ethnic Mongolian and decorated police officer with a reputation for battling mafia gangs in China’s lawless north-east. With his smart glasses and penchant for finely tailored suits, most people’s first impression was that Wang looked like a professor. Although he did not have much education beyond his time at police college, Wang was obsessed with learning and culture and accepted numerous “visiting professorships” from universities at home and abroad.


Wang Lijun, Chief of police in Chongqing. An ethnic Mongolian and a decorated police officer with a reputation for
battling violent mafia gangs in China’s famously lawless north-east. He was obsessed with learning and culture

In the late 1990s, Wang had drawn the attention of party propagandists who created a television drama based on his exploits called Iron-blooded Police Spirits and, later, he personally commissioned a number of books and films that glorified his actions. A braggart and fantasist who claimed to have spent two years being trained by the FBI and to have once talked kidnappers from the Italian mafia into letting him go, Wang often wore leather jackets he said were the same brand as those worn by former US president Bill Clinton. He also conducted autopsies and, as police chief of the north-eastern city of Jinzhou, he established an “on-site psychological research centre” to analyse the psychology of prisoners as they were executed and had their organs harvested for transplant, according to documents posted on Chinese government websites. Wang’s notoriety and loyalty to Bo made him just the man to help with what would become the centrepiece of Bo’s bid for higher office – a well-publicised war on organised crime known as the “dahei” or “smash black” campaign.
Wang arrived in Chongqing in June 2008, and a year later, the pair launched their televised typhoon against the mafia. In a series of hasty trials, more than a dozen accused gang bosses were convicted and executed, while thousands of others were given lengthy prison terms and assets worth billions of renminbi were confiscated. The public applauded, but disturbing accounts soon emerged of persecution, disregard for legal procedures and confessions extracted through torture.

Bo Guagua studied at Oxford, and was known as a spoilt
 'flower prince'. Photographs spread over the internet of him
at parties living a champagne lifestyle

The other main plank of Bo’s bid for higher office was a nostalgic campaign to revive traditional communist morality. Government departments, companies and community groups were encouraged to spend large sums of money organising singalongs of Cultural Revolution-era “red” songs and to glorify the country’s communist traditions. The government sent Mao Zedong quotations out to citizens via text message, patriotic historical dramas replaced game shows on television and advertising was banned from primetime airwaves. The local government even commissioned a new 37-metre statue of Mao. This fixation on communist “morality” elicited scorn from people who pointed out that Bo’s own son Guagua was now studying at Oxford, where he had a reputation as a spoilt and wealthy “huahua gongzi” – literally “flower prince”. The hypocrisy was further exposed when he was rusticated (suspended) for a year for not studying and when pictures spread over the internet of him at parties wearing women’s make-up, kissing western girls and urinating in his undergraduate gown on the gates of an Oxford college.


The empress unravels

While her husband was “smashing black and singing red” and her son was living his champagne-fuelled life at Oxford, Gu Kailai’s behaviour was becoming more erratic.
In 2005 or 2006, after Gu had fallen out with Patrick Devillers, Neil Heywood stepped in to take his place as her main business agent abroad. Friends of Heywood and acquaintances of Gu say she had a sexual relationship with Devillers and possibly also with Heywood, but he gave the impression his role was limited to helping her with overseas business interests. In 2008, he began negotiating on her behalf with the British Museum about the possibility of her becoming its “godmother” and patron in China. “He was an interlocutor, the quintessential western go-between of the kind that is very common representing powerful people in the Middle East,” according to someone familiar with the discussions. But talks were broken off in late 2010, when Heywood quietly informed the museum that Gu had suffered a nervous breakdown and could not continue with the proposed deal.
At about this time, Heywood began telling friends that Gu was “mentally unstable” and he described an extraordinary feudal world within the Bo household in which servants and hangers-on would swear celibacy in order to serve them. Her marriage to Bo had become increasingly distant since she moved to the UK and that added to her depression. In a conversation with a friend on November 13, just two days before he was found dead, Heywood seemed nervous about having been summoned to Chongqing to see Gu, but he did not mention any fears for his safety. The official public announcement of Gu Kailai’s arrest in connection with Heywood’s murder said the two had a “conflict over economic interests, which had intensified”.

Neil Heywood was allegedly poisoned at the three-star Lucky Holiday Hotel in the region

Police believe Gu plotted to murder Heywood after he demanded a bigger commission for helping her to transfer funds abroad illegally and threatened to expose her offshore financial dealings if she refused, according to people briefed on the investigation. According to other people familiar with Gu, she had become ever more paranoid and depressed since she discovered she was the subject of a corruption investigation, instigated by her husband’s numerous political enemies. Four high-ranking party members who claim to have knowledge of the matter say that powerful retired and serving members of the party elite, who opposed Bo Xilai’s bid for promotion to the nine-member politburo standing committee, had launched a secret party investigation to gather evidence on him and his family and associates. These people say the plan was to confront Bo with this evidence in order to block his advancement to the pinnacle of Chinese political power, forcing him to retire quietly to a less prominent position. These efforts included a prolonged investigation into police chief Wang Lijun and especially into his previous role as police chief in the medium-sized north-eastern city of Tieling, where he served until 2003.
Wang’s successor as chief of police and vice-mayor in Tieling, Gu Fengjie, was detained by Communist party anti-corruption investigators in May last year, following the detention of at least two other senior police officials. In a macabre development, the body of another vice-mayor from Tieling, Yuan Weiliang, was found floating in a canal in the Liaoning provincial capital of Shenyang in September 2011. Police ruled his death a suicide and said he had been depressed.
Friends say Neil Heywood was almost certainly unaware of the ongoing investigations into Wang and Gu and the pressure Gu was under as a result, and he could not have known that his threats would prompt her to take drastic action. Few details have been released about the circumstances of Heywood’s death, but salacious reports circulating in political and diplomatic circles claim Heywood spat out a cyanide-laced drink given to him by Gu and her accomplices, who then held him down on the floor of his hotel room and poured the poison into his mouth. His body was found in the hotel room on November 15, which happened to be Gu Kailai’s 53rd birthday.
In his later account to US diplomats and Chinese investigators, Wang Lijun said he was informed about the case by police officers who did not want to sign off on Heywood’s cremation because no autopsy had been performed. Wang then took samples of hair, skin and blood from Heywood’s body before it was cremated on November 18. People familiar with the case say they believe Wang already knew at this point that Gu was responsible for Heywood’s death, but had agreed to help cover it up.

“Tu si gou peng” – when the rabbits are all dead the hunting dog is boiled for food

The events leading up to Wang’s flight to the US consulate in Chengdu, a 300km drive from Chongqing, are shrouded in mystery. According to those familiar with the account, Wang told US diplomats in Chengdu that the police chief went to see his patron Bo Xilai on or around January 18 and informed him that he had evidence Gu had murdered Heywood. In a rage, Bo Xilai struck him in the face, shouted at him and told him to leave his sight.
There are a number of theories as to why Wang went to Bo with his evidence, the most credible of which seems to be Wang’s realisation that a party anti-corruption investigation into him and his past was closing in. In an attempt to secure Bo’s protection, he presented him with the bombshell of Heywood’s murder, implicitly suggesting he could make it all go away if Bo guaranteed his safety. Another theory is that Wang did not know or care about the investigation in Tieling and it was his blind loyalty to Bo that caused him to miscalculate by presenting what he knew and asking for advice on how to handle it. Regardless of Wang’s motivation, it was at this point that Bo’s arrogance and sense of invulnerability got the better of him.

Chongqing has a population of 33 million and a land area about the size of Austria

Almost all of the dozens of people interviewed for this article believe that if Bo had agreed to protect Wang in exchange for making the case go away, Heywood’s death would never have emerged, and Bo would still be a leading contender for a top party post this autumn. “If Bo was modest and down to earth, he could have looked after Wang Lijun, but he saw him just as a tool or a dog and dismissed him, that was his fatal mistake,” said one party theorist with close ties to the leadership. “He was just too arrogant and his sense that he was untouchable was too great.”
Not long after, on February 2, Wang was fired as police chief and appointed the city’s vice-mayor in charge of sports, sanitation and education instead. On February 6, Wang Lijun slipped out of his house past officers who had been sent by Bo to watch him and drove the 300km to the US consulate in Chengdu. Once inside the US consulate he requested political asylum on the grounds that Bo Xilai was trying to have him killed and he handed over evidence of Heywood’s murder and Gu’s involvement.


The king falls

Instead of travelling to Beijing to explain his decision to send his own security officers from Chongqing to retrieve Wang from the US consulate in the separate jurisdiction of Chengdu, Bo Xilai did something that further alarmed senior party leaders. He flew to the south-western city of Kunming, 650km away from Chongqing, and visited a military complex that is home to the 14th Group Army, the same unit commanded by his father during the communist revolution. As he toured the base where a waxwork model of Bo Yibo is on prominent display, state media noted Bo Xilai was there to “cherish the memory of revolutionary ancestors”. The symbolic visit highlighted his deep ties to the military, as well as his powerful pedigree as the son of a revolutionary leader and indicated he was not worried by Wang’s allegations.
At the opening of the annual Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference on March 2, Bo showed up and put on a brave face for the 3,000 assembled delegates and journalists. But in internal government meetings, Bo was livid, haranguing Chongqing officials and telling them that Wang’s flight and the rumours swirling around him were all part of a “plot instigated by foreign reactionary forces”. Over the next two weeks, Bo appeared in public nearly a dozen times. In a typical final bout of showmanship, he even held a two-hour press conference on the sidelines of the National People’s Congress.
Appearing relaxed, Bo said that unspecified enemies had “formed criminal blocs with wide social ties and the ability to shape opinion” and were “pouring filth” on him and his family. He also dismissed suggestions he was being investigated or in any political trouble. Four days later, on March 14, Bo attended the closing ceremony of the National People’s Congress and sat alongside his politburo colleagues on the stage in the Great Hall of the People. Looking tired and distracted, at one point he stared up at the cavernous ceiling of the Great Hall as if saying a silent prayer. As the ceremony ended and China’s most senior leaders got up to leave, Bo rose quickly and strode off the stage. Waiting in the wings were officers of the elite Central Guard Unit charged with protecting China’s top leaders, who led him away, according to two people with knowledge of the matter. Gu and more than a dozen of Bo’s close associates were detained at the same time and are currently being held in undisclosed locations around China.


Awaiting trial

As Beijing slips into its scorching summer months, there is still no word on how the government plans to deal with Gu Kailai, Wang Lijun and Bo Xilai. Going by past experience, most people expect some kind of carefully staged show trials that will be held in secret and announced after the fact. But here the party faces a dilemma that could further destabilise the political situation.
Given Bo’s enormous popularity among ordinary people, an unconvincing official account backed by threadbare evidence could lead many Chinese to assume the entire affair was a stitch-up and Bo was the victim of political infighting. On the other hand, if the case against him is presented too fully, with gory details of corruption, murder and plots, then the public may question how someone so craven and deranged could rise to the top of the political system, and scrutiny may turn to other senior leaders. For now, the once-in-a-decade leadership transition scheduled for October or November appears to be back on track. Some analysts are even saying that without Bo’s destabilising presence, a more harmonious and effective leadership will emerge.
“Bo and his ambition were seen as the most dangerous force in Chinese politics and people inside the party always compared him to Hitler,” said one senior Chongqing official who worked closely with Bo. “He was a Marxist-Leninist who opposed western liberal democracy, but the irony is that if the Chinese people were allowed to vote, he probably would have been elected president.”

Additional reporting by Kathrin Hille and Sally Gainsbury. Jamil Anderlini is the FT’s Beijing bureau chief

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2012
By Jamil Anderlini

Thursday, August 9, 2012

Sukhoi Tests New Radar Array for 5th-Generation Fighter.

Topic: Russian 5th-generation fighter

T-50 fighter jet
Russia’s Sukhoi aircraft maker has started tests of a new onboard radar system for its 5th generation T-50 fighter jet, the company said on Wednesday.
The new X-band active phased array radar has been installed on the third prototype of the T-50 fighter and showed a stable and effective performance comparable with the most advanced existing radar systems.


The radar has been developed by the Moscow-based Tikhomirov Scientific Research Institute of Instrument Design using elements of nanotechnology.



Russian Fith-Generation t-50 Fighter Jet

It has an extended target acquisition range, works simultaneously in “air-to-air” and “air-to-ground” modes, allows attacking multiple targets, and provides electronic countermeasures capabilities.
The T-50, also known as project PAK-FA, first flew in January 2010 and was first publicly revealed at the Moscow Air Show in 2011.
At present, three T-50 prototypes are being tested under a PAK-FA test and development program while a fourth plane is expected to join the program this year.
The Russian Defense Ministry is planning to purchase the first 10 evaluation example aircraft after 2012 and then 60 production standard aircraft after 2015.


Iranians ‘confess’ to nuclear scientists’ murders: state TV

Iranian authorities claim a group of suspects has “confessed” to the killing of four
Iranian nuclear scientists on the orders of Washington and London. (Reuters)



Iranian state television on Monday showed several Iranians alleged to be part of a group of 13 who “confessed” to killing four Iranian nuclear scientists after being trained by Israeli intelligence.

It said the network received orders from “Washington and London.”

The television report, available online (http://www.yjc.ir/fa/news/4047313), showed the suspects speaking of how they purportedly prepared to murder the scientists, and broadcast a re-enactment of assassins on a motorbike fixing a magnetic bomb to a victim's car, while dramatic music played in the background.

It also showed images of a number of prefabricated temporary buildings in an arid area and said the site was an Israeli military camp used for their training.
The 40-minute report, which was broadcast overnight, said the 13 comprised eight men and five women, all of whom were named.

One of them was Majid Jamali Fashi, who was executed on May 15 after being found guilty of spying for Israel's Mossad spy service and playing a key role in the January 2010 murder of a top nuclear scientist in return for payment of $120,000.

Iran’s intelligence service recently said it had broken a ring of other “spies” linked to the scientists’ slayings, which it blamed on Israel and the United States.

The United States vehemently denied any involvement in the most recent assassination, on January 11 this year. Israel has refused to confirm or deny involvement in any of the killings.

One of the suspects presented on state television, identified as Maziar Ebrahimi, told the camera that he had been “sent to Israel to learn to handle explosives, and receive other military training, including firing weapons.”

Another, identified as Behzad Abdoli, said: “We went to Turkey and we took a boat from there... to go to Cyprus, and from there to Israel, to a small town near Tel Aviv.”

A third, identified as Arash Kheradkish, said: “We were trained to attach timed magnetic bombs on moving cars and to get away quickly.”

State television did not show any evidence to support the allegations, beyond the interviews given by the somber looking suspects.

Detainees held by Iranian authorities have given coerced public statements in the past, notably in the case of Maziar Bahari, a Newsweek magazine journalist who was jailed for five months in 2009 and later wrote a book about his ordeal and the interview he was forced to give to Iranian television.

In December, state television showed a joint U.S.-Iranian national, Amir Mirzai Hekmati, a former U.S. Marine, saying in an interview that he was a CIA agent sent to infiltrate the Iranian intelligence service. His family in the United States denied he was a spy.

Font: Al Arabiya News

Friday, August 3, 2012

Well ... tonight I received yet another death threat .....

Well ... tonight I received yet another death threat .....

This time they were a group of Albanians (20-26 years before anyone else) just because, by chance (while wearing the dog for a walk as every night, but also some professional bias) ... I found their little den where they repair cars (all high powered Audi A4-A6 of the Volkswagen car from € 20,000 up .... but how do they afford it?) ... in a simple garage of a building.
It had already happened last week Tuesday, July 24, that night I called 112, because the license plates, including what you consider to be the group leader .... but although there was the party in the country, the station had not prepared the service, then it is due Starting from a mobile company ... which is about 27 km ....
When they heard that the operator sent the radio escaped and are immediately closed the garage door ... the operator informed me that he had sent an e-mail to the station with the license plate data .... ect ..... but no one contacted (this "NO COMMENT")
Tonight it looked like I expected, the usual "head" I approached with four others of his countrymen and immediately started with the death threats, told me that one night I fall asleep and never wake up, we realized that we Italians are not a "C zo ... "they have money and do what they want, I'm a dead man walking (must have seen the film of" Falcone and Borsellino ") .... to be careful when I walk .... but the funniest part was when Because he pulled his unidentified friend, one that protects them, a Policeman ....
At this point I called 112, and this time the station had no car service (will be cuts Mountains?) And then the radio is playing by the Company in the meantime .... the "head" composed a number of famous friend, for my part, now enjoyed the situation (of threats in my life I have received from many people and much more dangerous "Islamic fundamentalists, Islamic Turks, mafia ect ...) I started to tease him by telling him to get him (a reunion with the Police the radio and then I wanted it to be, my intention then was to find out who he was ... and if it really existed .... I will not tolerate corruption in the Police Force) .... but as usual, after telling me that they are not a "balls "We like all Italians, and other stupid things .... like a walking very fast, he headed to the car and ran away ..... drifting and making the same cronies ...
I do not recall that and still say the 112 and back to the way radio, but after a good 15 minutes he was in the middle, "outrageous," an ordinary citizen can get him around and escape before the Police arrive.
What angers me most is that citizens are not protected, it is possible that in a situation of danger and risk, have to wait 20 to 30 minutes before the Police to intervene, even worse than after the first reports are not I have called ... the first time the operator asked me if I wanted to file a complaint for threats, but my answer was: there is a call recording, license plate numbers .... if something happens to me ..... but to be honest all I previous reports of threats were dropped or "disappeared" but also those stored nobody ever bothered to hear me .. (so what are the complaints statistics ....?)
This time I plan to go directly to the company and ask the captain and have to report directly to him ... the point is:
In master receive me?
The complaint will be taken?
Will investigate?
But the more troubling question: will anything?
No threat, even if it is a serious offense, but on what they're up and if it is true that there is protecting one of their colleagues.

I wrote this just in case something happens to me really ... :-) I'd hate to see me dead because of 4 or 5 thugs Albanians, but also as a testimony of what really happens in small towns, and then might be kind of a life insurance policy .... that all contacts with friends, lawyers and police, someone could forward these two lines venting to the competent authorities .... Two lines written by an Italian, who has threatened to be broken, even by a group of Albanian criminals who infest our poor Italy.
A hug to all and good night
Roberto
Ps. I have not told you about what station it is and which company is playing the radio .... They are always a great supporter of the Police and a special sympathy and friendship with Carabinieri.